Northern-Ireland during the troubles
The history of Northern-Ireland is the history of a deeply segregated society patch-work. All the aspect of the social life is leading by the ethno-nationalist belonging: work, education, leisure, living space etc. Discrimination, fear and mistrust remained in the Northern-Irish society. The ethno-religious conflict was also linked with a dropping economy. The unemployment rate was the highest in the UK (30%) and no investment came to the North due to a massive lack of infrastructure. Road network, social and public services were totally out of date; most of people lived in deep state of poverty. During 30 years almost all the financial support of London was concentrated on security and military presence. Therefore, Northern-Ireland experienced a massive out-migration until the 80s.
Segregation
Segregation is a process which divides people; it excludes parts of the population from social or economic opportunities. Segregation may be based on race, ethnicity, gender, religion etc. Protestants and catholic have lived like two parallel societies with very restrictive relations between them. In Northern-Ireland, the place or the social environment you come from can have a profound effect on your mobility, your social relation etc. Many Northern-Irish had only few or no contact at all with the other community since they were used to socialise in different places. The function of segregation during the troubles was to provide a feeling of security and solidarity within the community.
Marcuse (1994, 35) argues that walls that divide people in cities represent “power, but they also represent insecurity; domination but at the same time fear; protection but at the same time isolation”
Belfast: the segregated city
In Belfast, segregation is not dated from the troubles but has always been a key feature of the social life. English and Scottish settlers who first inhabited the city have founded Belfast in the 1600s. The Irish Catholics resided outside. In the 19th century Belfast has become the first immigrant-industrial city in Ireland. Many migrants came from the mainland (Great Britain) but a sizeable amount was Catholic.
The social context was quite different than this in the British city like Manchester or Glasgow since the immigrants were not foreigners but came from the same country just outside the city. Yet segregation characterized the social and economic life of the city. Catholics had not the same rights than protestant and remained a marginalized population. The inequalities in Ireland leaded by the British government between the two communities brought about the conflict.
Belfast has become a frontier-city (Kotek, 1999): “a territory for two different dreams” located on fault lines of ethnic, religious or ideological wholes.
In 1921 a the island is split in two parts: 6 counties of the north-east of Ireland would belong to the UK, this division has given rise the violence in Ulster till the end of the century. By the 70s, segregation was concretised by physical barriers between the ethnic enclaves. Walls have been erected, murals have marked the ethnicity of neighbourhoods and paramilitary infrastructures such as checkpoints have totally shaped the urbanscape. Belfast was a fortified city dominated by a military landscape symbol of the civil war.
Peace line between Shankill and Falls in Belfast
The way to peace and the Good Friday Agreement
The relationship between the 2 opposites political parties in Northern-Ireland, the SLDP and Sinn Féin, only started to improve in the 90s. In August 1994, the IRA (the Irish military branch of Sinn Féin) calls a ceasefire, followed later by the Combined Loyalist Commando. The peace process seemed to be started before the bomb-attack of Canary Wharf, London, in 1996 by the IRA.
A historical agreement has at last brought an end to the conflict with a political arrangement between both sides. The political cooperation was going to create an efficient government in Northern-Ireland known as the ‘Home Rule’. The Good Friday/Belfast Agreement has completely reformed the policing body (several military organizations controlled the country before). It negotiated the decomissioning of weapons and reformed totally the criminal justice. But if this Agreement seems to create a stable political framework for Northern-Ireland, some other aspects has been very controversial. 500 prisoners have been released including numbers of terrorists which remains a real shock for the victims. The Agreement did not mentioned any social aspects of people victims of violence. It did not give solutions to resolve the segregation in Northern-Ireland.
Carving a geography of peace
Peace has had a considerable effect in the townscape since the troubles has a very material and visual presence throughout Northern-Ireland. The infrastructure of defence such as checkpoints, watch towers, security bases have been little by little dismantled provoking a dramatically change in the architecture of towns and neighbourhoods. Between 1995 and 2005, 63 military bases were closed and demolished. Normalisation policies, as Ellis and McKay argue (2000, 53), have undoubtedly lifted ‘the psychological strain of living under siege’.
Time to peace is also time to replace all the dated infrastructure by massive investment in water, health, education, public services etc. The British government transferred the military sites to the Northern-Ireland councils. The Maze prison, symbol of the conflict where most of the terrorists and prisoners were in jail, constitute now an important debate for the future of this site. The Maze prison (called H-blocks or Long Kesh as well) occupies a huge site near Lisburn, 15 miles south Belfast. And the opinions are very wide about its near future:
- ‘As far as we (DUP) are concerned every square inch should be razed to the ground’ (DUP 2004).
- ‘It is one of the most important twentieth-century buildings in the world’ (Sinn Féin 2005).
Managers plan to create a mutli-used Sports Stadium with hotel and leisure activities around .
Peace has had a considerable effect in the townscape since the troubles has a very material and visual presence throughout Northern-Ireland. The infrastructure of defence such as checkpoints, watch towers, security bases have been little by little dismantled provoking a dramatically change in the architecture of towns and neighbourhoods. Between 1995 and 2005, 63 military bases were closed and demolished. Normalisation policies, as Ellis and McKay argue (2000, 53), have undoubtedly lifted ‘the psychological strain of living under siege’.
Time to peace is also time to replace all the dated infrastructure by massive investment in water, health, education, public services etc. The British government transferred the military sites to the Northern-Ireland councils. The Maze prison, symbol of the conflict where most of the terrorists and prisoners were in jail, constitute now an important debate for the future of this site. The Maze prison (called H-blocks or Long Kesh as well) occupies a huge site near Lisburn, 15 miles south Belfast. And the opinions are very wide about its near future:
- ‘As far as we (DUP) are concerned every square inch should be razed to the ground’ (DUP 2004).
- ‘It is one of the most important twentieth-century buildings in the world’ (Sinn Féin 2005).
Managers plan to create a mutli-used Sports Stadium with hotel and leisure activities around .
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